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UPSC Daily Current Affairs 4 December 2024


The Bhopal Disaster’s Ongoing Toxic Legacy

GS 3: Disaster Management: Remembering Bhopal Gas Tragedy

Why is it in the news?

  • The Bhopal disaster, which occurred on December 2-3, 1984, continues to affect the region, with hundreds of tonnes of toxic waste still lingering around the Union Carbide plant. Despite years of efforts, including directives from the National Green Tribunal and the Supreme Court, only a small portion of the waste has been removed.
  • In 2024, the Madhya Pradesh government received ₹126 crore to incinerate some of the waste, but concerns over harmful fumes have led to resistance against this plan, fearing further contamination and health risks.

Background

  • Union Carbide India Ltd. (UCIL) established the Bhopal plant to produce the insecticide carbaryl, using methyl isocyanate (MIC), a highly toxic substance. On the night of the disaster, water entered a MIC tank, causing it to boil and release toxic vapours, including MIC and possibly hydrogen cyanide.
  • The exact nature of the gases released was never fully confirmed, complicating medical responses and exacerbating both immediate and long-term health issues.
  • Following the disaster, toxic substances were found at the site. A 2010 study revealed around 11 lakh tonnes of contaminated soil, one tonne of mercury, and nearly 150 tonnes of underground chemical waste. Heavy metals such as mercury, chromium, copper, nickel, and lead were also detected.
  • Greenpeace’s 1999 report highlighted additional dangerous compounds like hexachlorobutadiene, chloroform, carbon tetrachloride, and trichlorobenzene. The plant had also been disposing of untreated liquid effluent, contributing to widespread contamination.
  • In response to the contamination, the Supreme Court mandated the delivery of drinking water via tankers to affected communities. The program expanded from 14 to 42 communities, and investigations by the Indian Institute of Toxicology Research revealed elevated concentrations of harmful compounds like nitrates, chlorides, and heavy metals.
  • Persistent organic pollutants (POPs) were also identified, suggesting that contamination continues to spread.

Hazards of Heavy Metals and Organic Compounds

  • The heavy metals found at the site, including mercury, chromium, copper, lead, and nickel, are hazardous due to their potential to accumulate in the body.
  • Mercury can damage organs and disrupt cellular functions even at low concentrations. Chromium and nickel are linked to cancers of the lungs, nose, and other organs, while lead exposure harms the immune system and is associated with stomach cancer. High copper levels can damage the liver and kidneys.
  • Organic compounds such as hexachlorobutadiene and chloroform are also present. Hexachlorobutadiene is a possible carcinogen that can cause liver damage, kidney dysfunction, and affect brain activity. Chloroform impairs the central nervous system, potentially causing fainting or death at high concentrations.
  • Carbon tetrachloride, classified as an acute toxin, can damage the liver, cause cancer, and lead to nerve damage. Trichlorobenzene can accumulate in fatty tissues and harm the liver and kidneys at high levels.
  • Persistent organic pollutants (POPs) are chemicals that do not easily break down in the environment and can persist for years. POPs are linked to cancers, immune system disruption, reproductive disorders, and neurological damage.
  • Some POPs are also associated with developmental disorders and worse cancer outcomes, including in the liver, breasts, pancreas, and prostate.

Conclusion

  • The toxic legacy of the Bhopal disaster remains an ongoing environmental and health crisis. Despite efforts to manage waste and provide clean drinking water, the contamination continues to pose significant health risks to surrounding communities.
  • The disaster highlights the urgent need for improved industrial safety measures and long-term environmental monitoring to prevent similar tragedies in the future.

An Overview of the Centre’s New Oilfields Bill

GS 2: Polity and Governance: Boost to oil and gas production

Why is it in the news?

  • The Oilfields (Regulation and Development) Amendment Bill, 2024, has been introduced to boost India’s oil and gas production and reduce the country’s reliance on imports. Despite ongoing political tensions, the Bill has been discussed in the Rajya Sabha during the winter session.
  • Union Oil Minister has highlighted that the Bill aims to provide policy stability for producers, introduce international arbitration, and ensure minimal government interference in private sector operations. The anticipated outcome is an increase in domestic oil output and a reduction in India’s import dependency.
  • India’s oil and petroleum imports continue to be a major concern, with quarterly imports far surpassing exports. Despite policies like the Hydrocarbon Exploration and Licensing Policy (HELP) and the Discovered Small Fields (DSF) policy, challenges remain in significantly reducing import dependency.
  • As India’s energy demand grows rapidly, it is crucial to increase domestic production at a faster pace to match this demand and reduce the reliance on foreign oil.

Key Features of the Bill

  • The Bill addresses two critical aspects essential for efficient oil resource exploitation: expanding the definition of “mineral oils” and separating petroleum and mining activities.
  • The original Oilfields (Regulation and Development) Act of 1948 defined only petroleum and natural gas as mineral oils. The new Bill broadens this definition to include coal bed methane, oil shale, shale gas, shale oil, tight gas, tight oil, and gas hydrate, facilitating the exploration of both conventional and unconventional hydrocarbons.
  • Furthermore, the Bill replaces the mining lease system with a “petroleum lease” that allows companies to explore, produce, and dispose of mineral oils, streamlining the regulatory process.
  • A key feature of the Bill is the removal of the windfall profit tax on domestic crude oil, which is expected to encourage more production. Additionally, the Bill expands the Centre’s regulatory powers to include framing rules for emissions reduction, sharing oil production facilities, merging leases, and resolving disputes.
  • The Bill also aligns with India’s focus on green technologies by promoting the use of oilfields for hydrogen production, carbon capture utilization and storage (CCUS), and coal gasification.
  • The Bill decriminalises certain offences related to petroleum activities, such as invalid leases and non-payment of royalties. Criminal penalties for minor infractions are replaced with administrative fines, with the penalty for violations raised significantly from ₹1,000 to ₹25 lakh.
  • This shift is viewed as a positive development for the industry, as it allows operators to focus on compliance and operational improvements without the fear of severe legal consequences, thus fostering a more predictable regulatory environment and encouraging innovation.
  • The Centre has also proposed opening up previously restricted areas, such as those near missile testing sites, for oil exploration. A recent initiative offered 1.36 lakh square kilometers of exploration area, with 38% of it previously designated as “no-go” zones.
  • This move aims to accelerate oil exploration and production, addressing the slow pace of implementation seen in previous administrations.

Conclusion

  • The reforms outlined in the Bill are expected to significantly enhance oil exploration and production in India. However, experts caution that reducing import dependency will require sustained growth in domestic production across oil, natural gas, and renewable energy sectors.
  • The success of these reforms will depend on the government’s continued focus on energy security and the effective execution of the policy changes.

 

The Places of Worship Act and its Controversy

GS 2: Polity and Governance: Places of Worship Act

Why is it in the news?

  • The recent communal violence in Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh, has brought the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991, back into the spotlight, particularly following Justice Chandrachud’s remarks in the Gyanvapi case.
  • His comments, suggesting that post-1947 status inquiries of religious sites may be allowed, have led to political controversy, with Congress claiming that they have “opened a Pandora’s box.”
  • Legal experts, however, clarify that these oral observations hold no binding authority, and the 1991 Act remains intact, prohibiting any claims to alter the status of religious places as they stood on August 15, 1947.

Background of the 1991 Act

  • Introduced by Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao’s government, the Places of Worship Act was a response to the communal violence following the Babri Masjid demolition in 1992.
  • The law freezes the character of religious sites as they were on India’s Independence Day and bars any attempts to change their religious denomination. It does allow one exception: the Ram Janmabhoomi dispute, as it was already in litigation when the Act was passed.
  • The intent behind the law is to safeguard India’s secular fabric by preventing legal actions that could disrupt communal harmony, and it specifically prohibits courts from investigating changes to religious places after 1947, except in cases where a site was used by multiple religious communities before that date.

Legal Challenges and the Gyanvapi Case

  • The constitutionality of the 1991 Act has been challenged in the Supreme Court. Critics argue that the law prevents Hindus from reclaiming places of worship they allege were taken by Muslim rulers. Some also argue that mosques built on former temples are invalid under Hindu law, a view not upheld by Islamic law.
  • A significant case involving this issue is the Gyanvapi dispute in Varanasi, where in 2021, five women petitioned for year-round access to a shrine within the Gyanvapi mosque complex, claiming it housed Hindu idols. A videographic survey was ordered, which the mosque committee contested based on the 1991 Act.
  • The Supreme Court and Allahabad High Court allowed the survey to proceed, with Justice D.Y. Chandrachud stating that the Act does not preclude status inquiries as long as the intent is not to alter the character of the site.
  • This interpretation marks a departure from the Ayodhya case, broadening the scope for similar suits to be entertained by district courts.
  • Justice Chandrachud’s oral observations have stirred political debate, with Congress warning that they could lead to dangerous consequences. However, legal experts emphasize that such remarks are not binding like formal rulings.
  • The legislative intent of the 1991 Act is clear: it bars legal actions aimed at changing the status of religious places as they stood in 1947. Further, some legal academics highlighted that the Supreme Court has not stayed any provisions of the Act, and lower courts are bound to enforce it.

Conclusion

  • The controversy surrounding the Places of Worship Act underscores the ongoing challenges regarding historical religious disputes in India. While some revanchist suits threaten to reignite old tensions, the 1991 Act remains a vital safeguard for the nation’s secular fabric.
  • The Supreme Court’s final ruling on the constitutionality of the Act will be crucial in shaping the future of such disputes. Until that decision, the law remains the guiding framework, and its consistent enforcement by lower courts is essential to maintaining communal harmony.

 

Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra: A Historical Monument Facing Survey Demands

GS 1: Culture and History: Debating the contentious origins

Why is it in the news?

  • Ajmer’s Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra, a 12th-century mosque of great historical significance, has recently faced demands for a survey, reigniting debates about its contentious origins.
  • An Ajmer court’s acceptance of a petition to survey the nearby Dargah Sharif has led to calls for a similar investigation into this historic structure. Ajmer Deputy Mayor has claimed evidence of a Sanskrit college and temple that once stood at the site, allegedly demolished by invaders.

Historical Significance and Construction

  • The mosque was commissioned by Qutbuddin Aibak, a former slave who became a general in the Ghurid army and founder of the Mamluk Dynasty, which established the Delhi Sultanate in 1206.
  • It was constructed after Muhammad of Ghor’s victory over Prithviraj Chauhan in the Second Battle of Tarain, following which Ghor sacked Ajmer (then known as Ajaymeru), the Chauhan dynasty’s capital.
  • Historian Har Bilas Sarda documented in Ajmer: Historical and Descriptive (1911) that Muhammad of Ghor destroyed idol temples and Visaldeva’s College, parts of which were converted into the mosque.

Architectural Features and Cultural Fusion

  • Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra’s central mihrab bears an inscription dating its completion to 1199, with a second dome’s roof dated to 1200, making it the oldest surviving monument in Ajmer and the second oldest completed mosque in North India, after Delhi’s Quwwat-ul-Islam Mosque.
  • Its facade, featuring seven corbelled arches, was added by Iltutmish, Qutbuddin’s son-in-law and the third Sultan of Delhi, in 1213.
  • The name “Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra,” meaning “shed of two-and-a-half days,” is associated with a legend that Qutbuddin ordered the mosque to be built within 60 hours. However, the term first appeared in the 18th century, making the story doubtful.
  • According to Sarda, the name originates from its use by faqirs during a two-and-a-half-day-long urs (death anniversary) of Panjaba Shah.
  • However, art historian Micael W. Meister highlights two key aspects of the mosque’s construction: the reuse of materials from Hindu temples and the involvement of Hindu workers under Muslim supervision.
  • Meister argues that while many pillars were plundered from temples, others were newly crafted by Hindu artisans, blending traditional craftsmanship with new Islamic designs. The mosque features 70 intricately designed pillars, reflecting a synthesis of Hindu and Islamic architectural styles.
  • The mosque uniquely blends Islamic and Hindu architectural elements. Kufic inscriptions and Quranic verses confirm its Islamic identity, but the design harmoniously integrates Afghan and Central Asian motifs with local Hindu styles.
  • Meister observed a balance of decorative traditions, reflecting the cultural fusion under the new rulers.

Contested Origins and Debates

  • Historians like Har Bilas Sarda and James Tod argue that the mosque was built over a Jain temple, with Tod describing it as a masterpiece of ancient Hindu architecture.
  • In contrast, Alexander Cunningham, founder of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), claimed the mosque was constructed using materials from Hindu temples destroyed by invaders. ASI excavations in the late 19th century uncovered inscriptions referencing a Sanskrit college, further complicating the narrative.
  • Sarda suggested that the mosque stands on the site of a Jain shrine built by Seth Viramdeva Kala in 660 to commemorate the Panch Kalyan Mahotsava.
  • ASI excavations in 1874-75 uncovered evidence of a Sanskrit college built in 1153 by Chauhan emperor Visaladeva. Comparisons with similar structures, like Raja Bhoja’s Pathshala in Dhar, lend credence to the claim that the mosque was constructed over a Hindu institution.

Conclusion

  • Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra’s intricate history and architectural legacy continue to be subjects of intense study and debate.
  • Its blend of cultural influences and contested origins make it a significant yet controversial symbol of India’s historical and architectural heritage.

 

Windfall Gains Tax on Oil Production and Fuel Exports Scrapped

GS 3: Economy: Windfall Gains Tax

Why is it in the news?

  • On December 2, the Indian government decided to withdraw the windfall gains tax on domestic crude oil production and exports of diesel, petrol, and aviation turbine fuel (ATF).
  • This tax, which was introduced 30 months ago in response to a surge in global crude oil and fuel prices following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, was intended to address concerns about fuel availability and rising costs.

More about the news

  • Since the imposition of the tax, the global oil market has undergone significant changes. After the initial disruptions caused by the Ukraine war, oil and fuel flows have stabilized. International crude oil and fuel prices are now much lower, and there is a stable fuel supply in the domestic market.
  • As a result, the windfall gains tax had stopped generating substantial revenue, and the levy had already been reduced to zero on several key products before the official withdrawal.
  • Petrol exports have been exempted from the tax since July 2022, while diesel exports were exempted in March 2024, and ATF exports followed suit in January 2024. The tax on domestic oil production was also effectively reduced to zero by September 2024.

Original Tax Structure

  • The windfall gains tax was initially introduced on July 1, 2022, at a rate of Rs 23,250 per tonne ($40 per barrel) for domestic crude oil production, when crude oil prices were above $100 per barrel.
  • At that time, the tax was intended to capture super-normal profits from domestic oil producers and fuel exporters. Diesel exports faced an initial levy of Rs 13 per litre, while ATF and petrol exports were taxed at Rs 6 per litre.
  • The tax was implemented through a combination of Special Additional Excise Duty (SAED) and Additional Excise Duty (AED), also known as Road and Infrastructure Cess (RIC), and was reviewed every fortnight based on international price movements and fuel margins.

Rationale Behind the Tax

  • The primary rationale for imposing the windfall gains tax was the surge in global oil and fuel prices due to the geopolitical turmoil caused by the war in Ukraine. Since India’s domestic crude oil prices are tied to international rates, domestic fuel prices also skyrocketed, and private refiners began exporting fuels due to higher profit margins abroad.
  • This led to supply disruptions in the domestic market, which the government sought to address by imposing this levy. In addition to taxing super-normal profits, the government aimed to ensure sufficient fuel supply for the domestic market.
  • Other countries also imposed similar taxes during this period to capture windfall profits in the energy sector.

Industry Concerns and Impact of Scrapping

  • The oil industry had been critical of the windfall gains tax from the start. Critics argued that the tax reduced the profitability of publicly listed companies and discouraged investment in oil production, especially in a country that imports over 85% of its oil needs. The frequent revisions to the tax also created an unpredictable business environment.
  • As global crude oil prices and fuel margins softened, revenue from the windfall gains tax declined significantly. In FY23, the tax generated Rs 25,000 crore, but by FY24, this had dropped to Rs 13,000 crore, and it further reduced to Rs 6,000 crore in FY25.
  • Although the tax had already been zeroed out for several products, the government’s move to scrap the tax provisions entirely sends a clear message to the oil industry that the taxation regime will now be more stable and predictable.

Conclusion

  • The scrapping of the windfall gains tax is not expected to have a major impact on the financials of domestic oil producers like Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) and Oil India (OIL), or major fuel exporters like Reliance Industries (RIL) and Nayara Energy (NEL).
  • However, the move carries symbolic weight, signalling a more reliable and predictable taxation framework. It also reflects the government’s confidence that a major surge in oil and fuel prices, or another supply shock, is unlikely in the near future.

 

UK’s Assisted Dying Bill

GS 2: International Relations: Control over end-of-life decisions

Why is it in the news?

  • On November 29, the UK House of Commons voted in favour of the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill with 330 votes in favour and 275 against. This vote followed a “free vote” in which MPs voted according to their conscience rather than party lines.
  • The Bill allows terminally ill patients, who have little or no chance of recovery from fatal conditions, to request assistance in ending their life.
  • It will now be reviewed by a public bill committee for any proposed amendments before being voted on again in the House of Commons. Following that, it will be examined by the House of Lords before a final vote.

Motivations Behind the Bill

  • The introduction of the Bill comes amid a longstanding and polarized debate on assisted dying in the UK.
  • Proponents argue that it would give terminally ill patients more control over their end-of-life decisions, as many suffer from inadequate pain management and may wish to end their suffering in a humane way.
  • They also argue that legalizing assisted dying could reduce instances of people resorting to suicide or asking loved ones to assist in ending their life.
  • Critics, however, express concerns that the law could be misused, particularly among vulnerable groups like the elderly and people with disabilities. They argue that improving end-of-life care should be prioritized over legalizing assisted dying.

Key Provisions of the Bill

  • The Bill allows only adults over 18 who are terminally ill and have the mental capacity to make such a decision to request assisted dying. The person must have lived in England or Wales for at least 12 months.
  • Terminally ill patients are defined as those with an irreversible medical condition expected to result in death within six months. Patients with disabilities or mental disorders are excluded.
  • The process involves several steps:

1) The patient must sign a declaration in the presence of a coordinating doctor and a witness.

2) The coordinating doctor assesses the patient’s eligibility and ensures the request is voluntary.

3) If approved, a second independent doctor assesses the request after a seven-day reflection period.

4) If both doctors agree, the request is sent to the High Court, where the patient and doctors may be questioned.

  • The High Court’s decision can be appealed in the Court of Appeal.
  • If granted, a second reflection period of 14 days is required before the patient confirms the request by signing a second declaration.
  • The coordinating doctor or a designated practitioner will provide the patient with an approved substance for self-administration.

Comparison with Indian Law on Euthanasia

  • In contrast to the UK’s assisted dying bill, India’s legal framework for euthanasia is focused on “passive euthanasia,” recognized by the Supreme Court in 2018 as part of the right to die with dignity under Article 21 of the Indian Constitution.
  • Passive euthanasia involves the withdrawal of life support from terminally ill patients or those in a permanent vegetative state, allowing them to die naturally. This differs from the UK’s assisted dying bill, which offers patients an active role in choosing when to end their life.
  • The Supreme Court laid out guidelines for passive euthanasia, which include obtaining consent from the patient’s family or through a living will (advance medical directive).
  • A medical board, consisting of the treating physician and an external board, must evaluate the case, and judicial oversight is required from a Judicial Magistrate.
  • However, these guidelines were criticized for being too complex and cumbersome, prompting modifications in 2023 to streamline the process. Despite these changes, awareness and implementation of the guidelines have been limited.
  • In August 2024, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare released draft guidelines similar to the Supreme Court’s directives and sought feedback from stakeholders.

Conclusion

  • While the UK’s assisted dying bill grants terminally-ill patient greater autonomy over their end-of-life decisions, India’s legal framework remains focused on passive euthanasia with a more controlled, judicially supervised process.
  • Both systems aim to provide dignified deaths, but they differ significantly in terms of the patient’s involvement and the legal procedures involved.

 

Marburg Virus Outbreak in Rwanda: A Global Health Concern

GS 3: Science and Technology: Understanding MVD

Why is it in the news?

  • An outbreak of Marburg virus disease (MVD), often called the “bleeding eye disease,” has claimed at least 15 lives and infected 66 people in Rwanda as of November 29, according to the Ministry of Health.
  • Known as one of the deadliest pathogens affecting humans, MVD has shown case fatality rates ranging from 24% to 88% in past outbreaks, depending on the virus strain and case management. The first case in Rwanda this year was reported in September.

Ebola’s Twin: The Marburg Virus

  • MVD belongs to the filovirus family, the same as Ebola, and shares similar clinical characteristics. Although rare, both viruses are capable of causing outbreaks with high fatality rates.
  • The first recorded outbreak of MVD occurred in 1967 in Marburg, Germany, with subsequent outbreaks mainly reported across Africa, including Tanzania, Ghana, and now Rwanda.
  • The World Health Organization (WHO) has classified MVD as a high-priority pathogen due to its severe impact on public health and the lack of effective drugs or vaccines.

Transmission: Bats and Human Contact

  • The virus is initially transmitted to humans through prolonged exposure to mines or caves inhabited by colonies of Rousettus bats, particularly the Egyptian fruit bat (Rousettus aegyptiacus).
  • Human-to-human transmission also occurs through direct contact with blood and bodily fluids of infected individuals or indirectly via contaminated surfaces and materials such as bedding and clothing.

Symptoms: From Fever to Haemorrhage

  • Symptoms of MVD appear within 2 to 21 days of infection. Early signs include high fever, severe headache, muscle aches, watery diarrhoea, abdominal pain, cramping, and vomiting.
  • As the disease progresses, many patients experience haemorrhagic symptoms such as bleeding from the digestive tract, gums, nose, eyes, and vagina.
  • This bleeding, especially in severe cases, is a key contributor to fatalities, with death often occurring within 8 to 9 days due to massive blood loss and shock.

No Approved Treatments Yet

  • Currently, there are no approved vaccines or specific treatments for MVD. Supportive care, such as rehydration with oral or intravenous fluids and managing symptoms, has shown to improve survival rates.
  • Efforts are ongoing to develop effective treatments. Rwanda has begun administering 700 doses of an experimental Marburg vaccine provided by the US-based Sabin Vaccine Institute to healthcare workers. However, the efficacy of this vaccine remains uncertain.

Conclusion

  • The outbreak highlights the urgent need for robust public health measures and the development of effective treatments to combat such deadly diseases.

 

Controversies Surrounding Pardoning Power

GS 2: Polity and Governance: U.S. Pardoning Power

Why is it in the news?

  • S. President Joe Biden has granted an unconditional pardon to his son, Hunter Biden, who faced sentencing for federal tax and gun convictions. This act has sparked debates around the use of the presidential pardoning power.

Scope of the President’s Pardoning Power

  • The concept of pardoning has its roots in the British monarchy’s ‘royal prerogative of mercy,’ historically used to withdraw or mitigate death sentences. In modern Britain, clemency is granted based on ministerial advice for any sentence or penalty.
  • In the U.S., the Constitution grants the President absolute power to pardon federal criminal offences, except in cases of impeachment. This power can be exercised before or after a conviction and even before a legal case begins.
  • However, while a pardon relieves the individual of punishment and associated disqualifications, it does not erase the conviction record.

Historical Controversies

  • The exercise of pardoning power has been controversial throughout U.S. history. For instance, George Washington pardoned leaders of the 1795 Whiskey Rebellion, and Bill Clinton pardoned his half-brother on his last day in office in 2001. Donald Trump, in 2020, pardoned his son-in-law’s father.
  • The current controversy involves President Joe Biden granting a pardon to Hunter Biden for tax and gun offences, as well as any potential federal crimes between 2014 and 2024. This decision contradicts Joe Biden’s earlier public promises not to pardon his son.
  • The justification given by the President is that Hunter Biden was unfairly targeted and selectively prosecuted because of his familial ties.

The Indian Pardoning System

  • In India, Articles 72 and 161 of the Constitution empower the President and Governors to grant pardon, commutation, remission, respite, or reprieve to convicts. These sovereign powers are exercised on the advice of the Council of Ministers.
  • A pardon in India completely absolves the convict of the conviction, punishment, and related disqualifications. However, the exercise of this power has often been mired in political controversies over acceptance, rejection, or delays in mercy petitions.
  • The Supreme Court, in the Epuru Sudhakar case (2006), held that the pardoning power is subject to judicial review if exercised arbitrarily, with mala fides, or under extraneous considerations.

Way Forward

  • The pardoning power originated in an era of absolute monarchy, lacking separation of powers between the executive and judiciary. Critics argue that it is often misused for political purposes rather than to correct judicial errors.
  • In the K., the Criminal Cases Review Commission was established to investigate alleged miscarriages of justice, reducing the reliance on the royal prerogative of mercy. This offers a transparent and judicial approach to rectifying errors in a democratic system governed by the rule of law.
  • Until similar measures are adopted, the pardoning power must be exercised with utmost fairness, avoiding nepotism or arbitrariness, to maintain public trust in constitutional offices.

India’s Rich Biodiversity and the Need for Wildlife Conservation

GS 3: Environment and Biodiversity: Celebrating Rich Biodiversity

Why is it in the news?

  • India, with just 4% of the world’s land area, accounts for 7-8% of all recorded species, comprising 45,000 plant species and 91,000 animal species. This immense biodiversity designates it as a megadiverse country.
  • India hosts 10 biogeographic zones, harbouring 8.58% of the world’s mammalian species, 13.66% avian species, 7.91% reptiles, 4.66% amphibians, 11.72% fish, and 11.8% plants.
  • Additionally, four of the world’s 34 biodiversity hotspotsHimalayas, Indo-Burma, Western Ghats-Sri Lanka, and Sundaland—are located in India, showcasing the breadth of evolution within its borders.
  • World Wildlife Conservation Day (December 4) provides an opportunity to celebrate India’s rich biodiversity while also assessing the efforts being made to protect the critically endangered species that inhabit the country.

Conservation Challenges Amid Growth

  • India’s biodiversity is at odds with its rapid economic development and resource consumption. With the largest global population, 65% of whom are under 35, the nation’s demand for land, timber, forest produce, coal, and metals conflicts with wildlife habitats.
  • Human settlements increasingly encroach on these habitats, bringing animals and humans into conflict. While India’s cultural and religious traditions emphasize tolerance and reverence for wildlife, these ideals face pressure from developmental needs.
  • Wildlife sanctuaries in India, unlike Africa’s fenced reserves, are unfenced, and hunting as a recreational sport is prohibited.

Endangered Species in India

  • India is home to 73 critically endangered species as of 2022, a rise from 47 in 2011. This increase reflects both better monitoring and the growing threat to wildlife.
  • Critically endangered species, as defined by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), face the highest risk of extinction in the wild.
  • Of India’s nine critically endangered mammal species, eight are endemic, confined to specific geographic regions. These include the Kashmir stag (Hangul), Malabar large-spotted civet, Andaman shrew, Jenkins’ shrew, Nicobar shrew, Namdapha flying squirrel, large rock rat, and leafletted leaf-nosed bat.

Beyond Iconic Carnivores

  • Large carnivores such as lions, tigers, and cheetahs receive significant conservation attention due to their appeal in tourism, yet they represent only a fraction of endangered species.
  • Birds like the Great Indian Bustard face unique threats, such as collisions with power lines in Rajasthan, but often fail to receive sufficient conservation focus.
  • Hence, efforts must extend beyond iconic species to ensure the survival of all critically endangered wildlife in India.

 

 


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