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UPSC Daily Current Affairs 18 September 2024


AMIGOS IAS Daily Current Affairs (18th Sept 2024)

Supreme Court on UP Madrasa Law

GS 2: Polity and Governance: Madrasa Education

Why is it in the news?

  • On April 5, the Supreme Court, led by Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud, stayed the Allahabad High Court’s order that had declared the Uttar Pradesh Board of Madarsa Education Act, 2004 unconstitutional.
  • The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) argued that madrasa education is not comprehensive and violates the Right to Education Act. The NCPCR also claimed that madrasa textbooks promote “the supremacy of Islam.”
  • This submission was part of a series of appeals against the High Court’s March 22 ruling, which had criticized the Act for breaching secular principles and fundamental rights under Article 14 of the Constitution.
  • The Supreme Court directed the state government to integrate madrasa students into regular schools recognized by the UP’s Education boards.

An Overview of Madrasas

  • Historically, madrasas (an Arabic word) originated from early Islamic mosques that served as educational institutions.
  • By the 10th century, they had developed into distinct entities offering both religious and secular education, with early examples found in Khorasan and Transoxania, corresponding to modern-day eastern and northern Iran, central Asia, and Afghanistan.Larger madrasas often provided housing for students from disadvantaged backgrounds.
  • As of the 2018-19 academic year, India had 24,010 madrasas, with 19,132 recognized and 4,878 unrecognized.
  • Uttar Pradesh had the largest number, with 11,621 recognized and 2,907 unrecognized madrasas. The second highest number was in Rajasthan, which had 2,464 recognized and 29 unrecognized madrasas. Several states and Union Territories, including Delhi, Assam, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, and Telangana, reported no recognized madrasas.
  • Indian madrasas are broadly categorized into two types: Madrasa Darse Nizami, which operates as public charities and does not adhere to state education curricula, and Madrasa Darse Aliya, which are affiliated with state madrasa education boards like the Uttar Pradesh Board of Madarsa Education.
  • More than 20 states have their own madrasa boards, which oversee the appointment of teachers and other officials in recognized madrasas. In 2023, approximately 1.69 lakh students took examinations equivalent to Class 10 and 12 through the UP Madrasa education board. Some states also have separate boards for Sanskrit education.
  • Madrasas generally offer education akin to school and higher education, with students pursuing qualifications such as Maulvi (equivalent to Class 10), Alim (equivalent to Class 12), Kamil (Bachelor’s degree), and Fazil (Master’s degree).
  • Charitable Madrasa Darse Nizami institutions primarily use Arabic, Urdu, and Persian as the medium of instruction, while Madrasa Darse Aliya follow state curriculum or textbooks from the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT).
  • Most madrasa boards now adhere to the NCERT curriculum, covering subjects like Mathematics, Science, Hindi, English, and Sociology, with optional papers including Sanskrit or Deeniyat (religious studies).
  • State governments primarily fund madrasas, with additional support from the central government through the Scheme for Providing Education to Madrasas/Minorities (SPEMM).
  • This scheme, now under the Ministry of Education since April 2021, includes two sub-schemes: the Scheme for Providing Quality Education in Madrasas (SPQEM) and Infrastructure Development of Minority Institutes (IDMI).

Periyar: The Significance of the iconoclast social reformer

GS 1: Culture and History: Periyar E.V. Ramasamy

Why is it in the news?

  • On September 17, Chennai commemorated the 146th birth anniversary of rationalist social reformer Periyar E.V. Ramasamy.

Periyar and his contributions

  • Born in 1879, Periyar is celebrated for his role in the Self-Respect Movement, which aimed to restore the dignity and self-respect of Tamils. He was also the founder of the Dravidar Kazhagam (DK) and advocated for a Dravida Nadu, a homeland for Dravidian-speaking peoples.
  • Periyar’s political journey began with the Congress party in his hometown of Erode, where he initially sought reform. However, his disagreements with Gandhi over separate dining facilities for Brahmin and non-Brahmin students at a Congress-supported school led him to resign from the party in 1925.
  • He then aligned himself with the Justice Party and the Self-Respect Movement, which opposed Brahmin dominance in social and bureaucratic spheres. His activism was further amplified during the Vaikom Satyagraha of 1924, where he, along with his wife, was arrested twice for demanding lower caste individuals’ rights to access public paths in front of the Vaikom temple.
  • In the 1920s and 30s, Periyar challenged the conservative elements of the Congress party and the broader national movement, positioning Tamil identity as an egalitarian ideal free from caste biases.
  • He contended that caste was an external imposition by Aryan Brahmins from Northern India and opposed the Congress Ministry’s imposition of Hindi in the 1930s, viewing it as an assault on Tamil identity.
  • Periyar’s establishment of the Dravidar Kazhagam in the 1940s further emphasized his vision of a Dravida Nadu, uniting Tamil, Malayalam, Telugu, and Kannada speakers under a shared Dravidian identity.
  • Periyar’s legacy is deeply ingrained in Tamil culture and politics. To many Tamils, he represents an ideology centred on social equality, self-respect, and linguistic pride.
  • His reforms addressed social, cultural, and gender inequalities, advocating for women’s independence, equal employment rights, and the abolition of ritualistic marriage practices.
  • Periyar also promoted the idea of abandoning caste identifiers and encouraged inter-dining practices with food cooked by Dalits. His impact transcends political and religious boundaries, earning him the title of Thanthai Periyar, the revered father of modern Tamil Nadu.

Power asymmetry between China and Russia

GS 2: International Relations: India & Russia-China

Why is it in the news?

  • The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has dramatically reshaped global dynamics, notably intensifying the partnership between Russia and China. This evolving relationship has sparked concerns in India, as the Kremlin’s increasing alignment with Beijing raises questions about Russia’s reliability as a security partner.
  • Specifically, there is growing debate on whether Russia has effectively become a junior partner to China, which could impact Russia’s ability to balance its ties between Beijing and New Delhi.

An Analysis

Economic and Financial Dependence:

  • China and Russia share a common grievance against the dominance of the dollar and the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunications (SWIFT) financial messaging system.
  • Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine resulted in the freezing of approximately $300 billion of Russia’s foreign reserves and a SWIFT ban on Russian financial institutions, exacerbating the need for alternative financial systems.
  • China’s own concerns are evident, as around $770 billion of its $3 trillion forex reserves are held in U.S. treasuries, making it wary of similar sanctions. Despite their joint efforts to reform the global financial order and promote de-dollarization, their progress has been limited.
  • China’s Cross-Border Interbank Payment System (CIPS) is far from challenging SWIFT’s dominance, leaving Russia particularly dependent on China for navigating its financial isolation.

Trade Imbalance and Economic Dependency:

  • The trade dynamics between China and Russia highlights significant asymmetry. In 2023, exports from Russia to China constituted around 30.4% of Russia’s total exports, whereas Russia accounted for only 3% of China’s total exports.
  • Additionally, over 70% of Russia’s exports to China were energy products, exposing Russia to economic vulnerabilities. Conversely, China’s exports to Russia are more diversified. The heavy reliance on energy exports makes Russia’s economy particularly susceptible to fluctuations and shocks.
  • The war in Ukraine has further intensified Russia’s dependence on China for high-priority goods necessary for military manufacturing, with China’s share of these imports increasing from 32% in 2021 to 89% in 2023.
  • This dependence has effectively supplanted the EU as Russia’s primary trade partner, stabilizing Moscow’s trade figures despite Western sanctions.

Implications for India:

  • For India, the deepening Sino-Russian alignment presents a strategic challenge. Despite the historical goodwill between India and Russia, the current geopolitical alignment of Russia with China is more pronounced and influential.
  • The significant economic disparity and dependency of Russia on China mean that Russia’s ability to resist Chinese pressure and prioritize its relationship with India is increasingly limited.
  • The strategic depth of the China-Russia partnership suggests that Russia’s capacity to balance its ties between Beijing and New Delhi is severely constrained, posing a critical issue for India’s geopolitical strategy.

The Impact of Climate Change on flooding worldwide

GS 3: Environment and Biodiversity: Climate Change

About the news

  • Climate change is increasingly impacting flooding worldwide, with severe weather events becoming more common.
  • Recent flooding in Europe, including Austria, the Czech Republic, Poland, and Romania, has forced widespread evacuations due to heavy rainfall. This pattern extends globally, with record rainfall in the UAE and Oman, deadly floods in Kenya, and extensive flooding in Brazil, displacing over half a million people.
  • Coastal flooding is driven by tides and winds, but river, groundwater, and flash floods are linked to intense rainfall. Rising temperatures from fossil fuel emissions are making heavy rainfall events more frequent and severe.
  • The science behind this relates to warmer air holding more moisture. Greenhouse gases trap heat, increasing temperatures and evaporation rates, leading to heavier precipitation. For every 1°C rise in temperature, air holds 7% more moisture.
  • Since pre-industrial times, global temperatures have risen by about 1.3°C, resulting in more intense rainfall. Higher temperatures also shift precipitation from snow to rain, increasing flood risks in high-altitude areas.
  • A 2022 study found that in snowy regions of the Northern Hemisphere, rainfall extremes have increased by 15% per 1°C of warming.
  • Climate change is altering rainfall patterns by increasing the frequency of heavy downpours. At a 1.5°C temperature rise, extreme precipitation events could occur 1.5 times per decade and be 10% wetter.
  • Europe saw a 7% increase in rainfall last year, with several countries experiencing record-breaking precipitation and floods. Attribution science links climate change to more intense rainfall, with recent floods in Brazil being twice as likely and 9% heavier due to fossil fuel emissions.
  • Flooding affects about 1.8 billion people globally, with Europe having the highest risk, especially Germany, France, and the Netherlands. In 2023, a third of Europe’s rivers experienced high flood levels.
  • Most high-risk populations live in low- and middle-income countries, with rapid urbanization contributing to increased flood risk. Since 1985, the number of people in high flood-risk areas has risen by 122%.
  • Looking ahead, the risk of extreme flooding will continue to rise if global warming persists. The IPCC predicts that at 2°C of warming, extreme rainfall events could occur 1.7 times per decade and be 14% wetter. At 4°C of warming, such events could happen almost three times more often and be 30% wetter.
  • In Europe, a 3°C temperature rise could lead to €48 billion in annual flood damages by 2100 and triple the number of people exposed to flooding.

Jammu and Kashmir assembly post-2019 reorganization

GS 2: Polity and Governance: Polls in J&K

Why is it in the news?

  • The first phase of polling for the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly is set to take place, marking the first election since the constitutional changes of 2019 that altered the region’s status.
  • Following the abrogation of Article 370, the new Legislative Assembly will operate under different parameters, as it is now a Union Territory (UT) rather than a state.

More about the news

  • The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act of 2019 established two UTs: Ladakh, which has no legislature, and Jammu and Kashmir, which has a legislative assembly.
  • This act amended the First Schedule of the Constitution, impacting how Jammu and Kashmir is governed under Article 239, which assigns administration of UTs to the President, often through an appointed administrator. Section 13 of the 2019 Act extends Article 239A, which allows for local legislatures in certain UTs, to Jammu and Kashmir.
  • However, the situation differs for Delhi, the only other UT with a legislature, which has a unique status under Article 239AA, leading to ongoing legal disputes regarding the powers of its assembly compared to those of the Lieutenant Governor (LG).
  • The new Assembly’s powers are significantly constrained compared to previous state assemblies.
  • According to Section 32 of the Reorganisation Act, the Legislative Assembly can legislate on matters in the State List, excluding public order and police, as well as limited authority over the Concurrent List. This is a notable difference from states, which can legislate on Concurrent List matters unless they conflict with central law.
  • Additionally, Section 36 of the Act requires that financial bills can only be introduced in the Assembly with the Lieutenant Governor’s recommendation, limiting the Assembly’s ability to make independent financial decisions. This provision underscores the significant financial oversight held by the LG.
  • The powers of the Lieutenant Governor are further clarified in Section 53, which states that the LG can act at his discretion in matters outside the Legislative Assembly’s purview, particularly concerning public order, police, and All India Services.
  • This discretion includes decisions related to the Anti-Corruption Bureau, meaning that bureaucratic oversight and anti-corruption efforts remain largely under LG control.
  • In the lead-up to the elections, administrative changes have expanded the LG’s authority, allowing him to appoint the Advocate General and other law officers, and to influence decisions regarding prosecutions and sanctions.
  • This consolidation of power raises important questions about the balance of authority between the newly elected Assembly and the Lieutenant Governor.
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